El-Omari Culture | Predynastic Period
El-Omari Culture
The site which gave rise to identifying the el-Omari culture is located at the mouth of Wadi Hof, 3 km north of Helwan. It occupies the side of a gravel terrace at the outlet of a limestone massif of Rashof, stretching over an area of approximately 700 x 500m. The site was excavated in the beginning of 20th century by Amin Omari. After his death, the project was continued by P. Bovier-Lapierre (1926a; 1926b). In 1943 F. Debono started another study that continued until 1952 (Debono & Mortensen 1990).
It was originally assumed that the Wadi Hof site was a compound of three settlements and two cemeteries. Currently it is considered to have been one big settlement within which 9 settlement phases have been identified. The settlement is divided into sectors (Debono & Mortensen 1990).
Initially, determining the relative chronology of the el-Omari culture, named after its discoverer, was quite problematic. Eventually, B. Mortensen and F. Debono placed it between the Merimde culture (contemporary to it to some extent) and the Lower Egyptian culture.
However, it is generally accepted there was no cultural continuity between both units. According to F. Debono and B. Mortensen (1990: 82), the genesis of the el-Omari culture was local, although its pottery, stone inventory, constructions and burial customs show strong links to Southern Levant. It seems likely that just like in the case of the Merimde settlement, a group of migrants forced out of the east by drying climate settled in Wadi Hof.
The economy of the inhabitants of Wadi Hof did not differ from the economy of the farming communities in Faiyum and Merimde. Cultivated crops included wheat, barley, peas, horse beans and flax. Cattle, pigs, sheep and goats were bred, and dogs were kept. Hunting aquatic and terrestrial animals (fowl, crocodiles, hippopotamuses, turtles, antelopes, ostriches) continued to be important, and so was gathering (clams, wild figs, dates, wild sugar cane – Saccharum spontaneum) and fishing (Hoffman 1979: 196-197; Wetterström 1993: 214) .
The remains of the settlement include large round, oval or irregular pits, 50 to 250 cm in diameter and 50 to 110cm deep, both being remains of habitation structures. There also are storage pits (sometimes lined with wicker mats) and innumerous hearths. Attention is also drawn to large pits with hearths, embedded vessels and postholes, surrounded by smaller recesses, probably forming residential units. The walls and floors of the biggest pits were lined with mats, clay or wicker (in this particular case they were closed with a lid). In some pits, remains of small poles supported with stones were found – they could have constituted structural elements of light-weight superstructures. Marks left by bigger poles (20 x 15cm) were also found these could have been used as roof supports. In some cases there were smaller recesses between the poles, probably remains of internal wall structures (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 17-23).
Like in Merimde, the el-Omari culture buried its dead in uninhabited parts of the settlement, in pits that may have been previously used for storage or habitation purposes. A total of 43 graves were recorded. According to F. Debono and B. Mortensen (1990: 67-77), the settlement operated a premeditated burial system. Men’s graves were located in the western part of the settlement, while women and children were buried in the east. Oval burial pits were sized 90-120 x 70-110cm and were up to 40cm deep. Postholes were found in the vicinity of two pits, possibly remains of an unidentified superstructure. Sometimes pit edges were lined with stones. Bodies were placed in a contracted position on the left side, with the head to the south and the face to the west. A stone or a “cushion” made of organic materials would be placed under the head. Pit bottoms were lined with mats made of organic materials. In some cases such mats were also used to cover the body. In one case only the body was wrapped in a mat. Grave goods were very scarce, consisting of vessels placednear the face, arms or knees of the body, as well as drilled-through shells, and beads made of ostrich egg shells, bones and stones. Attention is drawn to a 35 centimeter stick, found in one of the graves. Since it resembles a phallus, it is interpreted to be a symbol of power or magic. In two children’s graves, antelope skeletons were found as well. Traces of flowers were found on one of the skeletons, possibly related to some unknown rituals. Hearths and stone rings (probably remains of funeral parties) were also found near graves.
The prevailing type of clay vessels found at the el-Omari culture settlement is monochromatic pottery covered with red slip, of burnished or smoothed surfaces. Two types of raw materials were used to manufacture vessels: desert clay and marls from wadi. Organic (and sometimes mineral) temper was added to the clay. Most of the el-Omari vessel forms include simple bowls, plates, basins and beakers. El-Omari pottery is not decorated. In terms of technology and forms, el-Omari pottery differs from Faiyumian and Merimde pottery. More similarities can be found between el-Omari pottery and the Southern Levantine Chalcolithic tradition (Debono1992: 1-6; Debono & Mortensen 1990: 24-40).
Flint inventory was local in character. Developmental trends in the flint-making tradition were similar to those known from Merimde and Faiyum. The older phases were dominated by flake and blade tools, whereas in the younger layers bifacial elements were commonly found. The raw material came from a local source. Cores were made of pebbles and nodules of flints from the area of Abu Rawash, some 20km from Wadi Hof. Semi-finished products (large blades of grey flint) were also imported. Flakes were knapped off pebble cores and then used to make small bifacial axes with polished edges, concave-based arrowheads and sickle blades. Bigger flakes were used to make scrapers, backed blades, perforators, endscrapers, burins and denticulates. In the last phase of the el-Omari culture, large grey flint blades were used to make distinctive knives with straight cutting edges bearing traces of rough, coarse retouch. The other, retouched edge was bent in the distal part (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 40-53).
The remaining artefacts found in the el-Omari culture settlement are scarce and rather unimpressive. One could mention fragments of stone vessels of basalt and calcite, two quartzite palettes (rectangular and oval) and several bone needles and pins (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 53-61).
It was originally assumed that the Wadi Hof site was a compound of three settlements and two cemeteries. Currently it is considered to have been one big settlement within which 9 settlement phases have been identified. The settlement is divided into sectors (Debono & Mortensen 1990).
Initially, determining the relative chronology of the el-Omari culture, named after its discoverer, was quite problematic. Eventually, B. Mortensen and F. Debono placed it between the Merimde culture (contemporary to it to some extent) and the Lower Egyptian culture.
However, it is generally accepted there was no cultural continuity between both units. According to F. Debono and B. Mortensen (1990: 82), the genesis of the el-Omari culture was local, although its pottery, stone inventory, constructions and burial customs show strong links to Southern Levant. It seems likely that just like in the case of the Merimde settlement, a group of migrants forced out of the east by drying climate settled in Wadi Hof.
The economy of the inhabitants of Wadi Hof did not differ from the economy of the farming communities in Faiyum and Merimde. Cultivated crops included wheat, barley, peas, horse beans and flax. Cattle, pigs, sheep and goats were bred, and dogs were kept. Hunting aquatic and terrestrial animals (fowl, crocodiles, hippopotamuses, turtles, antelopes, ostriches) continued to be important, and so was gathering (clams, wild figs, dates, wild sugar cane – Saccharum spontaneum) and fishing (Hoffman 1979: 196-197; Wetterström 1993: 214) .
The remains of the settlement include large round, oval or irregular pits, 50 to 250 cm in diameter and 50 to 110cm deep, both being remains of habitation structures. There also are storage pits (sometimes lined with wicker mats) and innumerous hearths. Attention is also drawn to large pits with hearths, embedded vessels and postholes, surrounded by smaller recesses, probably forming residential units. The walls and floors of the biggest pits were lined with mats, clay or wicker (in this particular case they were closed with a lid). In some pits, remains of small poles supported with stones were found – they could have constituted structural elements of light-weight superstructures. Marks left by bigger poles (20 x 15cm) were also found these could have been used as roof supports. In some cases there were smaller recesses between the poles, probably remains of internal wall structures (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 17-23).
Like in Merimde, the el-Omari culture buried its dead in uninhabited parts of the settlement, in pits that may have been previously used for storage or habitation purposes. A total of 43 graves were recorded. According to F. Debono and B. Mortensen (1990: 67-77), the settlement operated a premeditated burial system. Men’s graves were located in the western part of the settlement, while women and children were buried in the east. Oval burial pits were sized 90-120 x 70-110cm and were up to 40cm deep. Postholes were found in the vicinity of two pits, possibly remains of an unidentified superstructure. Sometimes pit edges were lined with stones. Bodies were placed in a contracted position on the left side, with the head to the south and the face to the west. A stone or a “cushion” made of organic materials would be placed under the head. Pit bottoms were lined with mats made of organic materials. In some cases such mats were also used to cover the body. In one case only the body was wrapped in a mat. Grave goods were very scarce, consisting of vessels placednear the face, arms or knees of the body, as well as drilled-through shells, and beads made of ostrich egg shells, bones and stones. Attention is drawn to a 35 centimeter stick, found in one of the graves. Since it resembles a phallus, it is interpreted to be a symbol of power or magic. In two children’s graves, antelope skeletons were found as well. Traces of flowers were found on one of the skeletons, possibly related to some unknown rituals. Hearths and stone rings (probably remains of funeral parties) were also found near graves.
The prevailing type of clay vessels found at the el-Omari culture settlement is monochromatic pottery covered with red slip, of burnished or smoothed surfaces. Two types of raw materials were used to manufacture vessels: desert clay and marls from wadi. Organic (and sometimes mineral) temper was added to the clay. Most of the el-Omari vessel forms include simple bowls, plates, basins and beakers. El-Omari pottery is not decorated. In terms of technology and forms, el-Omari pottery differs from Faiyumian and Merimde pottery. More similarities can be found between el-Omari pottery and the Southern Levantine Chalcolithic tradition (Debono1992: 1-6; Debono & Mortensen 1990: 24-40).
Flint inventory was local in character. Developmental trends in the flint-making tradition were similar to those known from Merimde and Faiyum. The older phases were dominated by flake and blade tools, whereas in the younger layers bifacial elements were commonly found. The raw material came from a local source. Cores were made of pebbles and nodules of flints from the area of Abu Rawash, some 20km from Wadi Hof. Semi-finished products (large blades of grey flint) were also imported. Flakes were knapped off pebble cores and then used to make small bifacial axes with polished edges, concave-based arrowheads and sickle blades. Bigger flakes were used to make scrapers, backed blades, perforators, endscrapers, burins and denticulates. In the last phase of the el-Omari culture, large grey flint blades were used to make distinctive knives with straight cutting edges bearing traces of rough, coarse retouch. The other, retouched edge was bent in the distal part (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 40-53).
The remaining artefacts found in the el-Omari culture settlement are scarce and rather unimpressive. One could mention fragments of stone vessels of basalt and calcite, two quartzite palettes (rectangular and oval) and several bone needles and pins (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 53-61).
Sources:
The Prehistory of Egypt: From the First Egyptians to the First Pharaohs, Béatrix Midant-Reynes.
Egypt in the time of the pharaohs. Claire Lewitt.
Prehistoric ages: the forming of man. François Bon.
The Archaic Nilotic Races Inhabiting The Thebaid. Robert De Rustafjaell.
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